The existence of both racial and sexual discrimination in employment is well documented, and policy makers and responsible employers are particularly sensitive to the plight of the black female employee on the theory that she is doubly the victim of discrimination. That there exist differences in income between whites and blacks is clear, but it is not so clear that these differences are solely the result of racial discrimination. The two groups differ in productivity, so basic economics dictates that their incomes will differ. To obtain a true measure of the effect of racial discrimination, it is necessary to adjust the gross black/white income ratio for these productivity factors. White women in urban areas have a higher educational level than black women and can be expected to receive larger incomes. Moreover, state distribution of residence is important because blacks are overrepresented in the South, where wage rates are typically lower than elsewhere and where racial differentials in income are greater. Also, blacks are overrepresented in large cities, and incomes of blacks would be greater if blacks were distributed among cities of different sizes in the same manner as whites. After standardization for the productivity factors, the income of black urban women is estimated to be between 108 and 125 percent of the income of white women. This indicates that productivity factors more than account for the actual white/black income differential for women. Despite their greater education, white women's actual median income is only 5 percent higher than that of black women in the North. Unlike the situation of men, the evidence indicates that the money income of black urban women was as great as, or greater than, that of whites of similar productivity in the North. For men, however, the adjusted black/white income ratio is approximately 80 percent. At least two possible hypotheses may explain why the adjustment for productivity more than accounts for the observed income differential for women, whereas a differential persists for men. First, there may be more discrimination against black men than against black women. The different occupational structures for men and women give some indication why this could be the case. Second, the data are consistent with the hypothesis that the intensity of discrimination against women differs little between whites and blacks. Therefore, racial discrimination adds little to effects of existing sex discrimination. These findings suggest that a black woman does not necessarily suffer relatively more discrimination in the labor market than does a white woman. Rather, for women, the effects of sexual discrimination are so pervasive that the effects of racial discrimination are negligible. Of course, this is not to say that the more generalized racial discrimination of which black women, like men, are victims does not disadvantage black women in their search for work. After all, one important productivity factor is level of education, and the difference between white and black women on this scale is largely the result of racial discrimination.